In this interview, the special envoy in charge of the Sharoui dossier in the Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Amar Belani, talks about Morocco’s attempt to formalize its occupation of Western Sahara and the last visit of the UN Secretary-General’s personal envoy to the region.
Morocco’s foreign minister regularly welcomes the opening of consulates in the occupied Saharawi territories. For him, the number of consulates will ultimately pave the way for SADR’s exclusion from the African Union. How do you rate these positions?
We had already qualified these consulates as “ghost consulates” because they were financed by the Moroccan authorities over the budget of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as part of an obscene approach that shocked certain African countries as the minister in question continued with his persistent advances. .
Some of the states affected by these openings of “consular representations” are not even able to pay their mandatory contributions to the international or regional organizations of which they are members.
That is, the tricks of the Moroccan foreign minister will end up exploding like a vulgar balloon.
In fact, this wall of jubilation, which has several plaques of “consulates” on the facade of the same building, and of which the minister is so proud, will end up turning into a wall of lamentations when his head of state will notice (finally? ) that this childish arithmetic policy is a non-starter regarding the status of the Non-Self-Governing Territory of Western Sahara, whose brave people will end up exercising, come what may, their inalienable and ineffable right to self-determination, in accordance with international legality .
As for the chimerical goal of “excluding” the SADR from the African Union, Morocco has already tried in the past and it had failed miserably, especially since nothing in the founding texts of the AU allows for the use of such an option .
Unless they want to blow up the continental organization and dance on its ashes, Morocco’s top officials should not let irresponsible arsonists play with fire.
During his recent visit to the region, the UN Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy for Western Sahara, Staffan de Mistura, was unable to visit the occupied Sahrawi cities of Laayoune and Dakhla as planned. Why couldn’t he do it?
The reasons are obvious and well known. Having been very reluctant to organize this visit to the occupied Saharawi territories, the Moroccan authorities wanted to impose on Mr. de Mistura puppet interlocutors, arbitrarily selected by the occupying power; it is actually settlers disguised as “elected” or vassal and satellite organizations like the famous CNDH, whose degree of independence we could measure by reading its confusing and appalling report on the heinous murder and brutal lynching of dozens of migrants in Nador.
Sir. De Mistura’s decision to postpone this trip under such unacceptable and offensive conditions rightfully honors him and will inevitably put pressure on Morocco, which is thus caught in the act of sabotaging the efforts of the UN Secretary-General’s personal envoy.
Pressure from certain influential members of the Security Council should be able to be exerted at some point (especially from those who “with difficulty persuaded” Morocco to finally accept, after five months, the appointment of Mr. Mistura to this position).
The press release published at the end of the negotiations between De Mistura and the Moroccan Minister of Foreign Affairs calls for a solution based solely on the Moroccan autonomy initiative.
Has this closed position helped the UN Secretary-General’s personal envoy in his efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Western Sahara?
It is, in fact, a dogmatic and eminently obstructive position that is well thought out and designed to maintain the current status quo.
This attitude, as expressed in the said statement, is a serious obstacle to the efforts of Mr. De Mistura, because these famous constants of the institutional Makhzen position are simply expressions of an unacceptable ultimatum that leaves no room for negotiation, and which neither the Polisario Front nor the international community will one day tolerate.
In fact, all Security Council resolutions call on the two parties (the Polisario Front and Morocco) to examine their respective proposals, which have been on the UN table since 2007, and to negotiate in good faith and without preconditions; the fact of postulating the exclusivity of the autonomy initiative on the part of the occupying power, which under international law does not have the characteristics of sovereignty over a “separate and distinct” territory to grant itself unjustifiably the royal prerogative to propose autonomy, is a non-starter , which will irreparably derail the efforts of the UN Secretary-General and his personal envoy.
The consequences of such an impasse will have to be borne by the party that deliberately puts the spokes in the wheels of the UN facilitation mission, and the recent statements of the former personal envoy, Ambassador Christopher Ross, are enlightening in this regard.
Finally, this forced fixation on the “round tables” will never succeed in giving substance to the fantasy of the “regional conflict”, since it is recognized that the question of Western Sahara is a question of decolonization, the process of which must be completed by exercise the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination and independence in accordance with international law.
The responsibility of the United Nations in this regard is fully and permanently committed.
The legal proceedings initiated before the Court of Justice of the European Union with a view to the final annulment of the villainous agreements on fisheries and preferential tariffs on agricultural products will definitively destroy the false calculations in May or June next year. and expansionist goals of the Moroccan occupying power.
The same will apply with regard to the delimitation of the maritime space between Morocco and Spain, because Morocco is not the coastal state of the Western Sahara and therefore cannot under any circumstances have the legal capacity to delimit the borders of the Saharan maritime space.